Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu is most famously known for his theory on the forms of capital; he theorized that capital was accumulated labor, which was either materialized or embodied. Material capital has tangibility, and is easily transferable to monetary value. On the other hand, embodied capital is not tangible, but rather a transfer of knowledge through networks and culture. According to Bourdieu, capital works as a force to construct our social world through the distribution of it, which ultimately produces profits for an individual. The accumulation of capital may not be the same for everyone, and without it we would not see the inequalities that persist within our society.
More specifically, capital can be explained in three distinct but relative forms: economic capital which is the root of all capital, and institutionalized in the form of property rights; cultural capital which may be convertible to economic capital, and institutionalized in the form of educational qualifications; and social capital which may also be convertible to economic capital, and institutionalized in the form of title and nobility. All of these forms of capital are for the purpose to produce profits. In terms of social capital, we can see this form of accumulated labor through the arrangement of marriages in India. Arranged marriages are a process that require the exchange of material or symbolic exchanges that maintain the relationships that persist within the families that are “married together.” Thus, producing social capital within the married couple’s families.
To being with, Bourdieu (1986) specifically defines social capital as the “aggregate of actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition... membership to a group.” Social capital is produced from arranged marriages simply through the family name that is passed onto the daughter of a family. This immediately provides a form of mutual recognition into the family. Thus, making any resources available to the daughter’s family associated with the son’s family.
In order to understand the relationship between arranged marriages and social capital, we must examine the institutionalization in the form of title and nobility within the arranged marriages. Arranged marriages in India are practiced because they want their children to establish a successful marriage that will be a reflection of the values of their family. To achieve this, the parents search for potential partners that hold specific titles of education, and personality traits. For example, in “Arranging a Marriage in India” by Serena Nanda, it is mentioned that a potential partner with an Air Force military title is less suitable for arranged marriage because they find that their work is more dangerous and requires too much moving around for the daughter. More importantly, however, title and nobility is instituted once the two people are set to be married because they both recognize their membership in a network, i.e. daughter-in-law and son-in-law. As previously mentioned, material or symbolic exchanges help maintain these newly formed relationships between the families. Although Nanda (2000) states that dowries have been banned in India, extensive gifts are usually given from the bride’s family to the groom’s to present the daughter’s worthiness of marriage to the son. Ultimately, the parents strive to search for adequate partners that will be worthy of their family name (membership to their network), thus producing social capital for the families.
In addition, exchange transforms exchange into signs of mutual recognition and reproduces the group (Bourdieu 1986). Those involved in the preparation of the marriage may go through a series of material or symbolic exchanges that turn into signs of recognition and membership of the group. For example, the parents of an arranged marriage may give the other family resources for their home or money to establish a mutual agreement of membership to their group. However, as Bourdieu (1986) states, the criteria of entry is at stake in each new entry that is to be admitted into the group. To go along with that, Nanda (2000) mentions that families search far and wide for potential partners to fit a specific criteria so that the reputation of the family is at good standing. One failed arranged marriage may hinder the arrangement of future children with families that will not see past the bad reputation. Also, Bourdieu (1986) explains that in most societies the preparation and conclusion of marriage should be the business of the whole group, and not of the agents concerned. Due to this ideology, the social capital of families practicing arranged marriages is put at stake because whoever they allow to marry their children may alter or redefine the whole group.
Overall, arranged marriages are a practice that families use to bring new daughters and sons-in-laws that they find adequate to the family. The person that marries their son/daughter is an important determinant in the reputation of the group, and it is placed at stake when one is admitted into the group. This practice reproduces social capital through material or symbolic exchanges between the families. Also, title and nobility is instituted once a couple is set to be married.
Nanda, Serena. 2000. “Arranging a Marriage in India.” Pp. 196 - 204 in Stumbling Towards Truth: Anthropologists at Work, edited by Philip R. Devita. Waveland Press.
Bourdieu, Pierre. 1986. “The Forms of Capital.” Pp. 221 - 58 in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, edited by J.G. Richardson. New York: Greenword Press.
More specifically, capital can be explained in three distinct but relative forms: economic capital which is the root of all capital, and institutionalized in the form of property rights; cultural capital which may be convertible to economic capital, and institutionalized in the form of educational qualifications; and social capital which may also be convertible to economic capital, and institutionalized in the form of title and nobility. All of these forms of capital are for the purpose to produce profits. In terms of social capital, we can see this form of accumulated labor through the arrangement of marriages in India. Arranged marriages are a process that require the exchange of material or symbolic exchanges that maintain the relationships that persist within the families that are “married together.” Thus, producing social capital within the married couple’s families.
To being with, Bourdieu (1986) specifically defines social capital as the “aggregate of actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition... membership to a group.” Social capital is produced from arranged marriages simply through the family name that is passed onto the daughter of a family. This immediately provides a form of mutual recognition into the family. Thus, making any resources available to the daughter’s family associated with the son’s family.
In order to understand the relationship between arranged marriages and social capital, we must examine the institutionalization in the form of title and nobility within the arranged marriages. Arranged marriages in India are practiced because they want their children to establish a successful marriage that will be a reflection of the values of their family. To achieve this, the parents search for potential partners that hold specific titles of education, and personality traits. For example, in “Arranging a Marriage in India” by Serena Nanda, it is mentioned that a potential partner with an Air Force military title is less suitable for arranged marriage because they find that their work is more dangerous and requires too much moving around for the daughter. More importantly, however, title and nobility is instituted once the two people are set to be married because they both recognize their membership in a network, i.e. daughter-in-law and son-in-law. As previously mentioned, material or symbolic exchanges help maintain these newly formed relationships between the families. Although Nanda (2000) states that dowries have been banned in India, extensive gifts are usually given from the bride’s family to the groom’s to present the daughter’s worthiness of marriage to the son. Ultimately, the parents strive to search for adequate partners that will be worthy of their family name (membership to their network), thus producing social capital for the families.
In addition, exchange transforms exchange into signs of mutual recognition and reproduces the group (Bourdieu 1986). Those involved in the preparation of the marriage may go through a series of material or symbolic exchanges that turn into signs of recognition and membership of the group. For example, the parents of an arranged marriage may give the other family resources for their home or money to establish a mutual agreement of membership to their group. However, as Bourdieu (1986) states, the criteria of entry is at stake in each new entry that is to be admitted into the group. To go along with that, Nanda (2000) mentions that families search far and wide for potential partners to fit a specific criteria so that the reputation of the family is at good standing. One failed arranged marriage may hinder the arrangement of future children with families that will not see past the bad reputation. Also, Bourdieu (1986) explains that in most societies the preparation and conclusion of marriage should be the business of the whole group, and not of the agents concerned. Due to this ideology, the social capital of families practicing arranged marriages is put at stake because whoever they allow to marry their children may alter or redefine the whole group.
Overall, arranged marriages are a practice that families use to bring new daughters and sons-in-laws that they find adequate to the family. The person that marries their son/daughter is an important determinant in the reputation of the group, and it is placed at stake when one is admitted into the group. This practice reproduces social capital through material or symbolic exchanges between the families. Also, title and nobility is instituted once a couple is set to be married.
Nanda, Serena. 2000. “Arranging a Marriage in India.” Pp. 196 - 204 in Stumbling Towards Truth: Anthropologists at Work, edited by Philip R. Devita. Waveland Press.
Bourdieu, Pierre. 1986. “The Forms of Capital.” Pp. 221 - 58 in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, edited by J.G. Richardson. New York: Greenword Press.